Wikipedia

Nicholas Williamson

Nicholas Williamson was an English lawyer and Catholic recusant in the 1590s. He was arrested in 1595 after planning a visit to the court of James VI of Scotland. The Jesuit William Crichton had hoped that Williamson would encourage the ambition of James VI for the throne of England.

Nicholas Williamson worked for Mary Talbot, Countess of Shrewsbury

Oxfordshire background

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Williamson hired a German stamp mill operator for the Earl of Shrewsbury using his family contacts in Keswick. Woodcut of a stamp mill, Georg Agricola De re metallica (1556)
 
William Crichton wanted to put Williamson in touch with Alexander Seton (pictured) in Scotland

He was a younger son of Thomas Williamson of Tusmore, Oxfordshire. His mother, Bridget, was a daughter of Nicholas Williamson of Mears Ashby in Northamptonshire.[1] Nicholas Williamson could write in Latin, a younger brother William Williamson attended St Edmund Hall, Oxford,[2] while his cousins Francis and Edmund Williamson were at St John's College, Oxford together.[3]

In 1573 Nicholas Williamson married Anne Mordaunt, a daughter of William Mordaunt of Oakley and granddaughter of Lord Mordaunt.[4] They had a daughter.[5] In 1574 his father sold some of his land holding at Tusmore, but not the house, to Sir John Spencer of Althorp.[6]

Working for the Shrewsburys

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Nicholas Williamson worked as a legal agent for the Earl of Shrewsbury. He made contracts for mine workers and for the purchase of glass for the Earl's buildings. Williamson advised the Countess of Shrewsbury on the purchase of lands and houses.[7] He was also the administrator or part-owner of the remainder of the estates of Anthony Babington, executed in 1586 for his conspiracy with Mary, Queen of Scots.[8]

The land transactions and ownership of a fish weir on the Trent at Shelford became connected with the family feud of the Shrewsburys and Charles Cavendish with Thomas Stanhope and John Stanhope of Elvaston.[9]

In July 1594 the German mining entrepreneur Emanuel Hochstetter sent a German miner from Keswick, Stephen Murr, to Williamson at Sheffield. Hochstetter wrote that bearer who brought the letter to Williamson would be able to draw a pattern for making a special iron saw to be made locally. Murr would bring his son to speak for him, as his English was not good.[10] Steffan Murr worked processing copper ore at the Newlands and Caldbeck stamp mills, and his English family is documented.[11]

Antwerp and Douai

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On Easter Day 1593 the supporters of the Earl of Shrewsbury fought the Stanhopes at the Shelford fish weir.[12] In July 1593, Anne Williamson was questioned by Francis Willoughby of Wollaton about her treatment of a royal messenger who had been sent to the Williamson's house at Wilne in the soke of Sawley to arrest the ringleaders of the fish weir riot.[13] On 10 May 1594 Nicholas Williamson was convicted in the Star Chamber for his part in the "notorious riot" connected with the fish weir.[14] Nicholas Williamson subsequently went to Antwerp, perhaps to avoid a fine. Before making the trip he sold a house to provide for his wife.[15]

Another recusant at the fish weir riot, George More of More Hall near Sheffield, fearing arrest by the Archbishop of York, made his way to Flanders. He was not content to come under the influence of the Jesuit Robert Persons and went to Liège. George More came to Scotland in September 1598 with an introduction or "commendation" to the architect and chamberlain of Anne of Denmark, William Schaw.[16]

Williamson stayed for a time in Antwerp at the house of George Mace, who had been a supporter of Mary, Queen of Scots.[17] While he was there, it was rumoured a miraculous sign of a bloody cross had appeared on his linen. A Jesuit, William Crichton, introduced him to a Scottish student at Douai, David Law, who was intended to accompany him to Scotland.[18] Williamson and Law sailed from Calais intending to go to Leith in Scotland. Williamson became sea-sick and instead they landed at Yarmouth in Norfolk and made their way north through England towards the Scottish Border.[19]

Arrested near Keswick

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The Law family home in Kirkcaldy is preserved by the Scottish Historic Buildings Trust.[20]
 
Glasgow University has a copy of the Catechism which David Law gave to his brother James Law (pictured).[21]
 
Sir Robert Cecil (pictured) ordered the arrest of Edmund Williamson, who knew the men who killed Christopher Marlowe

Williamson was arrested in Cumberland in March 1595. He had been at Millbeck Hall near Keswick, the home of a namesake cousin,[22] where a family motto "Whither? to live and die, or to die and live" in Latin can still be seen.[23][24] He was taken to Henry Lee's house in Carlisle. Lee's official positions included steward of the barony of Rockliffe. At or around the same time, David Law, a Scottish seminary priest from Kirkcaldy, was captured and brought to Lee's house. Law was prepared to guide Williamson into Scotland, disguised as his servant. Law was chosen for the mission because he was an acquaintance of Alexander Seton, Lord Urquhart, a significant Scottish courtier and a Catholic. Williamson had been to Scotland before.[25]

Crichton probably obtained an introduction for Williamson to Seton because of his proximity to Anne of Denmark, as an administrator of her estates.[26] Modern scholars (who now refer to her as "Anna of Denmark") consider that the queen had either converted from her native Lutheranism to the Catholic faith, or was regarded as sympathetic to the Catholic cause and possible conversion.[27][28]

David Law was described as the son of a burgess of Kirkcaldy.[29] His parents were probably Agnes Strang of Balcaskie and James Law, who was also a landowner as a "portioner of Lathrisk" close to Falkland Palace.[30] His brother James Law became Archbishop of Glasgow.[31] James Law's future father-in-law, John Boswell of Balmuto advanced money towards the costs of the royal marriage in 1589.[32] Another Law family home nearby at Kirkcaldy still stands, built by the merchant and shipowner David Law.[33] A mural of a ship is thought to represent the voyage of Anne of Denmark to Scotland. The Angel of Kirkcaldy was certainly among the royal fleet,[34] and perhaps the James of Kirkcaldy, skippered by John Law, and owned by shareholders including Katherine Balcanquell, wife of Alexander Law.[35][36] Painted ceilings in the house with fruit and flower motifs, like those in some other Scottish interiors including Gladstone's Land, may relate to religious iconography.[37][38]

David Law hid his breviary in the garden at Henry Lee's house in Carlisle in an attempt to disguise his status as a priest.[39] He was imprisoned in England for a year and a half. He said that William Crichton had brought Williamson to Douai and asked him to escort Williamson, because he had previously mentioned a desire to return to Scotland. Crichton assured him there was little danger because Williamson was going to Lord Home and the court of James VI.[40] After 16 months in prison he wrote a petition for his freedom, describing the pain of his diseased leg.[41] After his release, David Law returned to his studies at Louvain and later joined the Catholic mission in Scotland as a secular priest.[42] He died at Douai from complications after breaking a leg.[43]

Henry Lee relieved Williamson of a gold chain worth £60 and £3-10s in cash, with three rings, two purses, and a sword and pistol.[44] Williamson was taken via Tuxford to the Gatehouse Prison in Westminster and then to the Tower of London, suspected of working with Francis Dacre to convert James VI of Scotland to Catholicism. The aim was to secure a Catholic succession to the throne of England. Williamson admitted to a plan to contact two Scottish aristocrats, Lord Home and the Laird of Buccleuch.[45] As news of the arrest spread, Humphrey Bonner, a former Mayor of Nottingham, was criticised for discussing the case on 8 March. It was thought Bonner's careless speech might have harmed the Earl of Shrewsbury.[46]

Williamson talked about "Morton",[47] meaning the Scottish Jesuit Father John Myreton or Myrton, brother of the Laird of Cambo.[48] Myreton was detained at Leith on 23 March 1595, and interviewed by King James VI.[49] He said he was sent from Pope Clement VIII and Cardinal Cajetan. He brought from the Cardinal a chain with a square gold palm-sized jewel, with a carved bone image depicted the crucifixion set beneath crystal. James VI gave the jewel to Anne of Denmark.[50] This gift parallels an earlier incident in June 1566, when an English agent Christopher Rokeby gave a crucifix to Mary, Queen of Scots.[51]

A tribe of wicked people

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Richard Topcliffe connected Williamson to George More and Edmund Thurland in June 1595. Thurland was from Gamston near Tuxford and Bawtry, and had lived near Long Longnedham (Leadenham) between Grantham and Lincoln. He had been brought up in, or spent time in Spain with Isabel de Cárdenas, Duchess of Feria. Topcliffe wrote that More and Nicholas Williamson had fled to the enemy, that More was a pensioner of Spain, and the three were in cahoots, in each other's confidence.[52] Thurland's house at Gamston on Idle had been a convenient location for traffic with Scotland on the North Road and the lodgings of Mary, Queen of Scots.[53] The recusant connections of Thurland and the Norton family were described in 1578 as a "trybe of wicked people".[54]

Williamson's mission and the succession the crown of England

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During his questioning, Williamson revealed that Robert Persons, Thomas Fitzherbert, Hugh Owen, and Richard Verstegan were the authors or producers of the succession tract, A Conference about the Next Succession to the Crown of England.[55] The Attorney General, Edward Coke, thought that behind Williamson's trip to Scotland was a wider plot to "disable" and hinder James VI and Arbella Stuart from political action, while increasing Catholic support in England for Spain.[56]

Crichton was an active supporter of James VI as a claimant to the throne of England.[57] He may have been reacting to the Conference, a tract nearing publication which advanced the claims of other Catholic candidates to the throne.[58][59] Williamson's mission included an offer to James VI that Francis Dacre, a grandson of the 4th Earl of Shrewsbury, could muster a force of men on the border to support him in England, should this become useful. The arrest of Williamson and Law was thought to have discouraged Dacre from planning this intervention.[60] Previously, Dacre had visited James VI and Sir John Seton of Barnes, and in 1593 made a plan for Philip II of Spain to conquer England, involving a landing at Kirkcudbright and an invasion of lands in the north of England inhabited by followers of the Dacre family.[61]

James VI had some warning of plots in Scotland at this time. Some "letters of conspiracy" written in Italian and found in Flanders were sent to him by the Estates and arrived in March on the same day as Father Myreton. James VI forwarded copies to Henry IV of France and Elizabeth I on 4 April together with Myreton's papers, so that the conspiracy could not harm his reputation.[62] James Colville, Laird of Easter Wemyss, who had advocated sending copies of the captured documents, sent his cousin, also named James Colville, with the copies to the English ambassador Robert Bowes, who was in London.[63] Some of Crichton's letters concerning Williamson were sent directly to Elizabeth I by Maurice of Nassau.[64]

James VI was receptive to contingency plans which might enable the Union of the Crowns. Following the 1598 visit of Anne of Denmark's brother, the Duke of Holstein, to Scotland, James VI sent David Cunningham, Bishop of Aberdeen and Peter Young to his brother-in-law Christian IV of Denmark and the princes of Lower Saxony. James VI hoped for promises of military support in England in the event of Elizabeth's death. He suggested that Elizabeth was old and in increasingly poor health. News of this embassy made Elizabeth I very angry.[65]

The house in Cripplegate

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Nicholas' brother in London, Edmund Williamson, sent news of the arrest in Cumbria to their father at Tusmore.[66] Edmund Williamson was arrested a few days later on 13 March 1595 at the order of Sir Robert Cecil. A number of men were found in the house and detained in the Compter Prison in Wood Street and the Poultry Compter. Richard Martin allowed Edmund's wife, Anna Williamson (née Trafford, from Bridge Trafford),[67] and her servant Margaret Markham to stay in the house.[68] Another brother, James Williamson, was questioned in the Wood Street Compter, and confessed that Nicholas Williamson had written to him from Calais, asking him to meet him in the north.[69]

Richard Martin discovered that Edmund Williamson ran a kind of pawnbroking business from his house in Philip Lane, Cripplegate, obtaining luxury goods from young men for small sums, less than their worth. Nicholas Skeres, an associate of Christopher Marlowe involved in the credit racket, was taken by Martin at Edmund Williamson's house, and held for a few days.[70] Skeres and Ingram Frizer were con-men, practicing the kind of swindles which inspire Thomas Middleton's city comedy Michaelmas Term. Richard Martin felt these more trivial activities explained why so many people were rounded up at the house.[71]

Anne Williamson's house searched for letters

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St Chad's at Church Wilne was searched by John Harpur

Anne Williamson remained at their house at Church Wilne in Derbyshire.[72] Despite Anne Williamson's resistance, their family papers were confiscated from the study in her bedchamber, the gallery, and other places at Wilne. At first, she refused access to John Hacker, an agent of the Earl of Shrewsbury.[73] She allowed the house to be searched after discussing in a little parlour with John Harpur how the Earl of Shrewsbury would support her now her husband was imprisoned.[74] Other items and Mass books were hidden in the church tower. John Harpur locked the papers from Wilne in an ark chest in the nearby water mill and then took them to a house of the Earl of Shrewsbury at Sawley. It was discovered that she had left two pillow cases stuffed with documents with a friend, her first-cousin Joanna Pearsall or Peshall at Horsley, Staffordshire. Three further chests had been taken to Williamson's brother's house at Crich.[75] Nicholas Williamson was questioned several times in the Tower.[76] He claimed his wife had no access to papers in his study or closet.[77]

The actions of Earl of Shrewsbury in recovering Williamson's papers were criticised and held to be suspicious.[78] John Harpur of Swarkestone's previous relationship with Nicholas Williamson as a colleague, and his possible leniency during the search at Wilne was called into question. Harpur's wife Isabella was a relation of Elizabeth Pierrepont, who had been an attendant of Mary, Queen of Scots. Their son Henry Harpur bought Calke Abbey in 1622.[79]

Released from the Tower of London

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Another servant of the Earl of Shrewsbury, Roger Portington, Ranger of Worksop, lived at the high-status Worksop Manor Lodge

William Cecil called him the "Great Cossenor Williamson" - a cozenor, meaning that he had tried to trick or subvert the Earl of Shrewsbury from his proper allegiance to Elizabeth I.[80] Edward Coke threatened him with "some sharper course".[81] Williamson remained in the Tower and records of payments for his candles and laundry survive.[82]

Robert Cecil offered him a deal.[83] After his release in 1597, Nicholas Williamson deserted Anne. They had previously disagreed, and in 1593 she had spent time away from him with her sister Jane Bolde at Bold. She later married Paul Cuddington.[84] A diplomatic agent in Scotland, George Nicholson mentioned the former prisoner Williamson in passing in a letter of September 1598, as an acquaintaince of George More, who had now arrived in Scotland.[85]

Williamson papers as a source for social history

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The confiscated Williamson papers survive in the National Archives and include various papers on Shrewsbury business, mentioning other stewards of Shrewsbury family like Roger Portington, ranger of the parks at Worksop. Portington lived at Worksop Manor Lodge, a substantial house of advanced design and an indication of the high social status of some of Shrewsbury's employees.[86] Portington's lodge was even compared to the Medici villa at Pratolino.[87]

Several family letters have been the subject of recent study. Anne Williamson's letter to her husband asking for a farthingale and sleeves to be made for her in the latest style in December 1590 reveals her anxiety related to social status.[88] Correspondence from female writers include letters from her sister Jane Bolde, and from Williamson's sister Bridget, Lady Poole.[89]

See also

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References

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  1. ^ William Henry Turner, Visitations of Oxford (London, 1871), p. 238.
  2. ^ Godfrey Anstruther, The Seminary Priests: A Dictionary of the Secular Clergy of England and Wales, 1558-1850, vol. 2 (Durham, 1969), p. 358.
  3. ^ Andrew Hegarty, A Biographical Register of St. John's College, Oxford, 1555-1660 (Woodbridge, 2011), pp. 487-8: See Blomfield, History of the Deanery of Bicester (Oxford, 1882), p. 63.
  4. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 8 (London, 1899), p. 430: Frederic Augustus Blades, Visitations of Bedfordshire (London, 1884), p. 181.
  5. ^ William Henry Turner, 'Williamson of Tusmore', Visitations of the County of Oxford (London, 1871), p. 238.
  6. ^ James Charles Blomfield, History of the Deanery of Bicester (Oxford, 1882), p. 63.
  7. ^ Lambeth Palace Library, Shrewsbury Talbot papers, MS 3199 f.615
  8. ^ Michael Questier, Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2006), p. 201 fn. 102: HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 227.
  9. ^ Lucy Worsley, Cavalier: The Story of a Seventeenth-century Playboy (London, 2007), pp. 33-4: Diarmaid MacCulloch, 'The Consolidation of England', John Morrill, Oxford Illustrated History of Tudor and Stuart Britain (Oxford, 1996), p. 38: Roy Hattersley, The Devonshires: The Story of a Family and a Nation (Random House, 2013), p. 87: Michael Questier, Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2006), p. 21.
  10. ^ HMC 6th Report, Frank (London, 1877), p. 449 now Sheffield Archives, BFM/2/125: TNA SP 46/49 f.95, glass (possibly for Wingfield Manor).
  11. ^ W. G. Collingwood, Elizabethan Keswick: Extracts from the Accounts of the German Miners at Augsburg (Kendal, 1912), pp. 60, 185, 195
  12. ^ Wallace T. MacCaffrey, 'Talbot and Stanhope: an Episode in Elizabethan Politics', Historical Research, 33:87 (May 1960), pp. 73–85
  13. ^ HMC Report on the Manuscripts of the Duke of Rutland, vol. 1 (London, 1894), p. 316: Cornelius Brown, History of Nottinghamshire (London, 1891), p. 25.
  14. ^ Allen D. Boyer, Sir Edward Coke and the Elizabethan Age (Stanford, 2003), p. 260: George W. Bernard, The Power of the Early Tudor Nobility: A Study of the Fourth and Fifth Earls of Shrewsbury (Harvester Press, 1985), p. 202: Norman Jones, Governing by Virtue: Lord Burghley and the Management of Elizabethan England (Oxford, 2015), p. 125: HMC Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, 1594-1595, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 526.
  15. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), pp. 140, 229.
  16. ^ Calendar State Papers Scotland, 13:1 (Edinburgh, 1969), pp. 285. 291: John Strype, The Life & Acts of John Whitgift (Oxford, 1822), pp. 367-372: HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 7 (London, 1899), p. 364 unsigned.
  17. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 527, perhaps "Mascy".
  18. ^ Mary Anne Everett Green, Calendar State Papers Domestic, 1595-1597 (London, 1869), pp. 46, 64-5 (SP 12/252 f.138, 192).
  19. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 244.
  20. ^ John Lowrey:Law's Close History and Building Tour
  21. ^ John Durkan, 'The early history of Glasgow University Library, 1475-1710', The Bibliotheck, 8 (1977), p. 114, describes a Catechism (Sp Coll Bk4-i.15) given by David Law
  22. ^ Nicholas Williamson of Milbeck, son of Thomas Williamson, see Whitehaven YDX 174/50
  23. ^ Michael Waistell Taylor, The Old Manorial Halls of Westmorland & Cumberland (Kendal, 1892), pp. 320-4.
  24. ^ Picture of the Williamson motto at Millbeck, Andrew Locking
  25. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), pp. 145-6, 244: Calendar State Papers Domestic, 1595-1597 (London, 1869), pp. 26, 46 (TNA SP 12/252 f.77 for Lord Urquhart): Annie I. Cameron, Calendar State Papers Scotland, 1593-1595, vol. 11 (Edinburgh, 1936), pp. 547 no. 483, 582 no. 525, 611 no. 565, 614 no. 566: Joseph Bain, Calendar of Border Papers, vol. 2 (London, 1896), p. 24 no. 46.
  26. ^ See Maurice Lee jr., 'King James's Popish Chancellor', Ian B. Cowan & Duncan Shaw, Renaissance and Reformation in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 173-4.
  27. ^ Jemma Field, 'Anna of Denmark and the Politics of Religious Identity in Jacobean Scotland and England, c. 1592-1619', Northern Studies, 50 (2019), pp. 87-113
  28. ^ Maureen M. Meikle & Helen M. Payne, 'From Lutheranism to Catholicism: The Faith of Anna of Denmark', The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 64:1 (January 2013), pp. 45-69
  29. ^ Calendar State Papers Scotland, 1593-1595, vol. 11 (Edinburgh, 1936), p. 257 no. 201.
  30. ^ Robert Keith, An Historical Catalogue of Scottish Bishops Down to the Year 1688 (Edinburgh, 1824), p. 264: Pearce, A., 'Law, James (d. 1632), archbishop of Glasgow', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.
  31. ^ John Durkan, 'The early history of Glasgow University Library, 1475-1710', The Bibliotheck, 8 (1977), p. 114, describes a Catechism (Sp Coll Bk4-i.15) given by David Law to his brother James Law, minister of Kirkliston.
  32. ^ 'Pecuniary Distress of James VI', Blackwood's Magazine, vol. 2 (December, 1817), p. 312.
  33. ^ Michael Bath, Renaissance decoration in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2003), p. 246.
  34. ^ Marguerite Wood, Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1589-1603 (Edinburgh, 1927), pp. 16-7, 330.
  35. ^ Scottish Historic Buildings Trust, SHBT
  36. ^ Moses Jenkins, Building Scotland: Celebrating Scotland's Traditional Building Materials (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2010): NRS, Will of Katherine Balcanquell, CC8/8/21 p. 4: William Kay, 'Restoring the Magic to Law's Close, Kirkcaldy', Building Conservation Directory 2006
  37. ^ Rhodes, Daniel T.; Uglow, Nicholas; Addyman, Tom (2017). "Gladstone's Land: the changing face of Edinburgh's Royal Mile". Post-Medieval Archaeology. 51 (2): 10 citing research for the National Trust for Scotland by Fern Insh. doi:10.1080/00794236.2017.1377978. S2CID 165747264.
  38. ^ Michael Bath, Anne Crone, Michael Pearce, The Dendrochronology and Art History of 16th and 17th century Painted Ceilings (Edinburgh: Historic Environment Scotland, 2017), p. 24
  39. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, 1594-1595, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 244.
  40. ^ Calendar State Papers Domestic, 1595-1597 (London, 1869), p. 46, TNA SP 12/252 f.75 & f.77.
  41. ^ M. S Guiseppi, Calendar State Papers Scotland: 1595–1597, vol. 12 (Edinburgh, 1952), p. 249 no. 207.
  42. ^ Thomas M. McCoog, S.J., 'Pray to the Lord of the Harvest': Jesuit Missions to Scotland in the Sixteenth Century', Innes Review, 53:2 (2002), pp. 156, 177: Michael Yellowlees, So strange a monster as a Jesuite: The Society of Jesus in Sixteenth-Century Scotland (House of Lochar, 2003), p. 149: Records of the Scots Colleges at Douai, Rome, Madrid, Valladolid and Ratisbon, vol. 1 (Aberdeen, 1906), p. 5, ad missionem Scoticam, in itinere ab Anglis captus, post incarcerationis annum cum dimidio rediit Lovanium
  43. ^ Georgii Conaei, De duplici statu religionis apud Scotos (Rome, 1628), p. 68, 'David Lauius dum insequentium apparitorum diligentiam fuga eluderet, perfracto crure in Flandriam delatus, Duaci mortuus est gloriosa, claudicatione splendescens'.
  44. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, 1594-1595, vol. 5 (London, 1894).
  45. ^ Michael Questier, Dynastic Politics and the British Reformations, 1558-1630 (Oxford, 2019), p. 220 fn. 79 adds the Earl of Morton: Susan Doran, 'Revenge her Foul and Most Unnatural Murder? The Impact of Mary Stewart's Execution on Anglo-Scottish Relations', History, 85:280 (October 2000), p. 606: See also TNA SP 12/252 f.192.
  46. ^ HMC Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, 1594-1595, vol. 5 (London, 1894), pp. 135-6.
  47. ^ Henry Foley, 'Father Thomas Darbyshire', Records of the Society of Jesus, vol. 3 (London, 1878), p. 728.
  48. ^ Thomas M. McCoog, S.J., 'Pray to the Lord of the Harvest': Jesuit Missions to Scotland in the Sixteenth Century', Innes Review, 53:2 (2002), pp. 147, 151-2.
  49. ^ Thomas Birch, Memoirs of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, vol. 1 (London, 1754), p. 223-4.
  50. ^ Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 11 (Edinburgh, 1936), pp. 556-579: Maureen M. Meikle, 'Once a Dane, Always a Dane', Court Historian, 24:2 (August 2019), p. 174.
  51. ^ Joseph Stevenson, The History of Mary Stewart, from the murder of Riccio until her flight into England (Edinburgh, 1883), pp. 25-7, 236
  52. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 239.
  53. ^ John Strype, Annals of the Reformation, vol. 3 (Oxford, 1822), p. 576.
  54. ^ Edward Plumpton, Plumpton Correspondence: A Series of Letters (London, 1839), pp. cccxxx-cxxxiii, citing British Library, Lansdowne 27/26.
  55. ^ Patrick H. Martin & John Finnis, 'Thomas Thorpe, "W.S.," and the Catholic Intelligencers', English Literary Renaissance, 33:1 (Winter 2003), p. 19 fn. 48: Leo Hicks, 'Father Robert Persons S.J. and The Book of Succession', Recusant History, 4:3 (May 1958), p. 136
  56. ^ Calendar State Papers Domestic, 1595-1597 (London, 1869), pp. 64-5.
  57. ^ Thomas M. McCoog (1996). The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1541–1588: "our Way of Proceeding?". Brill. p. 242. ISBN 978-90-04-10482-2.
  58. ^ Paulina Kewes, 'The Puritan, the Jesuit and the Jacobean Succession', Susan Doran & Paulina Kewes, Doubtful and Dangerous: The question of the succession in late Elizabethan England (Manchester, 2014), pp. 60, 62.
  59. ^ For the reception of the Conference, see C. A. Fry, 'Diplomacy & deception : King James VI of Scotland's foreign relations with Europe (c.1584-1603)' (2014), unpublished St Andrews University PhD
  60. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 527.
  61. ^ John Strype, Annals of Reformation, vol. 4 (Oxford, 1824), p. 267.
  62. ^ Joseph Bain, Calendar of Border Papers, vol. 2 (London, 1896), p. 25 no. 49: Calendar State Papers Scotland, 1593-1595, vol. 11 (Edinburgh, 1936), pp. 557 no. 496, 558 no. 499, 566-7 nos. 506-7, 568 no. 511.
  63. ^ Calendar State Papers Scotland, 1593-1595, vol. 11 (Edinburgh, 1936), pp. 562 no. 503, 567-8 nos. 507, 511: Letters of John Colville (Edinburgh, 1858), p. 152.
  64. ^ HMC Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, 1594-1595, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 527.
  65. ^ Thomas Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance be Forgot, vol. 1 (Odense, 1988), p. 129: Thomas Riis, Auld Acquaintance, vol. 2 (Odense, 1988), p. 289: Michael Pearce, 'Riddle's Court, Banquet and Diplomacy in 1598', History Scotland Magazine (July, 2012): Annie Isabella Cameron, Warrender Papers, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1932), pp. 358-380: Calendar State Papers Scotland, 13:1 (Edinburgh, 1969), pp. 223-4 no. 167.
  66. ^ HMC Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, 1594-1595, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 16.
  67. ^ George Omerod, History of the County Palatine and City of Chester, vol. 2 (London, 1819), p. 30.
  68. ^ HMC Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, 1594-1595, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 139, "Mr Lee" attended Martin at the arrest.
  69. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), pp. 140, 147-8.
  70. ^ Constance Brown Kuriyama, Christopher Marlowe: A Renaissance Life (Cornell University Press, 2002), p. 103: Charles Nicholl, The Reckoning: The Murder of Christopher Marlowe (London, 2002), pp. 34-5: Sarah Gristwood, Arbella: England's Lost Queen (London, 2003), p. 460.
  71. ^ Martin White, Middleton and Tourneur (Macmillan, 1992), p. 22: HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), pp. 141-2.
  72. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 229.
  73. ^ Calendar State Papers Domestic, 1595-1597 (London, 1869), pp. 57-8: see SP 12/252 f.138.
  74. ^ 'HARPUR, John (c.1546-1622), of Swarkeston', The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1558-1603, ed. P.W. Hasler, 1981
  75. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), pp. 224-9, 242-4: HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 8 (London, 1899), p. 430: Calendar State Papers Domestic, 1595-1597 (London, 1869), pp. 46, 51-2 (SP 12/252 f.112, f.139).
  76. ^ Sarah Gristwood, Arbella: England's Lost Queen (London, 2003), p. 146.
  77. ^ Lena Cowen Orlin, Locating Privacy in Tudor London (Oxford, 2007), pp. 312-3: HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 229.
  78. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 528.
  79. ^ Howard Colvin, Calke Abbey, A Hidden House Revealed (National Trust, 1985), p. 28.
  80. ^ William Acres, Letters of Lord Burleigh to his son Robert Cecil (Cambridge, 2017), p. 238.
  81. ^ Allen D. Boyer, Sir Edward Coke and the Elizabethan Age (Stanford, 2003), p. 260.
  82. ^ John Hungerford Pollen, 'Tower Bills, 1595-1681', Miscellanea of the Catholic Record Society, 4 (London, 1907), pp. 226-33
  83. ^ HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 251.
  84. ^ Frederic Augustus Blades, Visitations of Bedfordshire (London, 1884), p. 181: HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 5 (London, 1894), p. 242: HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 8 (London, 1899), p. 430.
  85. ^ John Duncan Mackie, Calendar State Papers Scotland, 13:1 (Edinburgh, 1969), p. 290, no. 214
  86. ^ Mark Girouard, Elizabethan Architecture (Yale, 2009), p. 108: Mark Girouard, Robert Smythson & the Elizabethan Country House (Yale, 1983), pp. 131-4: Monique Chatenet & Claude d'Anthenaise (eds), Chasses princières dans l'Europe de la Renaissance (Paris, 2007), p. 353: A Calendar of the Shrewsbury and Talbot Papers in Lambeth Palace Library (London, 1966), p. 153: Lambeth Palace Library MS 707 f. 189, 15 August 1595.
  87. ^ Lucy Worsley, 'An Habitation not so Magnificent as Useful: Life at Welbeck Abbey in the 17th Century', Transactions of the Thoroton Society of Nottinghamshire, 107 (2003), p. 138.
  88. ^ Sarah Bendall, Shaping Feminity: Foundation Garments, the Body, and Women in Early Modern England (London, 2022), pp. 113-5: TNA SP 46/49 f.55 and f.37.
  89. ^ James Daybell, Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England (Oxford, 2006), pp. 57, 184, 193, 197, 213.
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