Wikipedia

José Martínez Berasáin

In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Martínez and the second or maternal family name is Berasáin.

Victoriano José Martínez Berasáin (1886–1960) was a Spanish Carlist politician, noted particularly in his native Navarre. He is best known for his role during anti-Republican conspiracy of early 1936 and during the first months of the Civil War, when he headed the regional wartime Carlist executive. In 1937–1938 he was the provincial leader of Falange Española Tradicionalista; in 1939 he served as vice-president of Diputación Foral de Navarra. During two successive terms of 1955–1960 he was holding a seat in the Cortes. He is also acknowledged as an amateur photographer.

José Martínez Berasáin
Born
José Martínez Berasáin[1]

1886
Pamplona, Spain
Died1960
Pamplona, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationentrepreneur
Known forpolitician
Political partyCarlism

Family and youth

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wife

There is close to nothing known about Martínez’ distant ancestors, except that the family has been for centuries related to Navarre. His paternal grandfather Felipe Martínez volunteered to legitimist troops during the First Carlist War and following defeat he spent 4 years on exile in France. In Besançon he learnt the cooper's craft and having returned to Pamplona he opened his own workshop.[2] He married a local girl, Francisca Larrondo Ollo.[3] Their son Victoriano Martínez Larrondo (1846[4]-1894[5]) was also a carpenter, professionally active at least since the early 1880s;[6] he became well known in the city[7] and grew to "conocido industrial".[8] In 1872[9] He married Micaela Celedonia Berasáin Marin (1849[10]-1920[11]), daughter to a local Pamplonese merchant[12] of wine preservatives[13] and foodstuffs.[14] It is not clear how many children the couple had; it is known that José had at least two brothers[15] and at least two sisters.[16] Following the premature death of Victoriano the widow took over the business[17] and managed it at least until the early 20th century.[18]

It is not clear whether José received education beyond the obligatory primary level; in particular, none of the sources consulted notes his academic career. He tried his hand in trade; initially he ran a bookstore at Bajada de Javier, but later he turned it into a shop dealing in religious items, including imagery, sculptures, standards, Cassocks and other liturgical vestments. In the 1920s formally listed as casullero,[19] until the 1930s he operated a family company Martínez Berasáin y Cia.[20] Until the mid-1920s he held also an unspecified job at La Agrícola, the local insurance and then banking company.[21] It went bust in 1925, but some time afterwards Martínez found employment in another financial institution, Banco de Bilbao, which opened its Pamplona office in 1926.[22] Some authors claim that in the mid-1930s he was already the manager of the Pamplonese branch,[23] though this role is confirmed in primary sources only for the post-war period.[24]

 
son Luis

In 1909[25] Martínez married a girl from Pamplona, Ramona Erro Cia (1886–1972);[26] she was daughter to Manuel José Erro Ercila,[27] employee of Diputación de Navarra who worked as administrator of self-governmental properties.[28] The couple had 11 children,[29] born between the early 1910s and the late 1920s.[30] None of them became a public figure. Four sons: Luis, Juan Bautista, Alejandro and José Ramón Martínez Erro volunteered to Carlist requeté troops during the civil war.[31] Luis was moderately active within Carlism during the Francoist era[32] and in the 1970s he sided with the progressist faction of Prince Carlos Hugo;[33] José Ramón tried his hand in historiography.[34] Among the grandchildren Luis María Martínez Garate was also an active Huguista militant[35] to become a locally known Basque-Navarrese historian[36] and a Nabarralde ideologue,[37] while Javier Ochoa Martínez is a celebrated bodeguero who developed his own wine brand.[38] Martínez’ nephew was Benito Santesteban Martínez, notorious due to his instrumental role in rearguard repression in Navarre during the early phases of Nationalist rule in the region.[39]

Early public activity (until 1930)

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Juventud Jaimista, 1910s

Ascendants of both Martínez and his wife[40] were for generations related to Traditionalism; in legitimist ranks they took part in civil wars and paid for it with exile and deportations, in some cases as far away as Cuba.[41] Martínez Berasáin inherited the Carlist outlook; in his case it contained also a strong Basque and fuerista flavor.[42] During his youth he engaged in Juventud Jaimista and in the mid-1910s he grew to president of the local Pamplona branch of the organization.[43] When in 1919 Carlism faced a profound crisis related to secession of the so-called Mellistas, he did not join the rebels; according to his son total loyalty towards the claimant has been for generations the principal political guideline for all the family members.[44] At the turn of the 1910s and the 1920s he already counted among respected Pamplonese party members. During initial works on vasco-navarrese autonomy he formed part of Comité carlista pro autonomía de Navarra;[45] the body called for full restoration of regional foral rights, abolished in 1839.[46]

The 1923 coup of Primo de Rivera brought political life in Spain to a standstill; parties ceased to operate. There is no information on Martínez’ Carlist activity during the dictatorship. It is known that at least initially he viewed the regime with sympathy and possibly engaged in its local structures; within the family the primoderiverista quasi-party Unión Patriótica was dubbed "Ultima Puñetería", considered the ultimate bulwark against the forthcoming revolution.[47] He focused on cultural activity and tried to enhance Catholic, traditional values by co-operation with Biblioteca Católico-Propagandística.[48] He developed a particular interest in photography;[49] Though most of his high-quality pictures portrayed family members, some served propagandistic purposes and were shared with the local Catholic review La Avalancha.[50] At unspecified time Martínez entered Consejo de Administración of the Carlist Navarrese press mouthpiece, El Pensamiento Navarro.[51]

 
Carlist standard

In the late 1920s Martínez no longer belonged to the mid-low strata of petty bourgeoisie and formed part of "conservative middle-class, integrated with centers of local establishment".[52] Due to his job in Banco de Bilbao he maintained links with "mundo de los negocios" and "clase media y alta", while thanks to the religious shop keeping fare he stayed in touch with "toda la clerecía navarra".[53] He carefully cultivated the network of business, private and political contacts; it covered all Navarre and was registered in what would later become his famous "libreta", a notebook with names and addresses.[54] Though at the time he was already a solid, very serious personality well above 40,[55] when in 1930 dictatorship was replaced with dictablanda he again emerged as a member of Juventud Jaimista. During the last months of the monarchy in re-established Carlist structures Martínez took a seat in the Pamplona party executive.[56]

Republic (1931–1936)

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Republic declared, 1931

In the early 1930s Martínez was first noted as jefe of Carlist structures in Pamplona.[57] In 1931 latest he became vice-president of the regional Carlist organization. He also assumed presidency of managing board of El Pensamiento Navarro.[58] He became engaged in key party initiatives in the region. In May 1931, prior to the first Republican electoral campaign, Martínez due to his contacts and links to Basque nationalists was instrumental when forging the PNV-Carlist alliance; it emerged as "candidatura católico-fuerista" and proved largely successful.[59] In 1932 with Víctor Morte, Ignacio Baleztena and Gabriel Aldáz he was delegated to represent Navarre in a Carlist committee set up to agree a common stand on autonomous project, drafted for the vasco-navarrese provinces.[60] As the Pamplonese party leader he chaired local meetings[61] and signed various open letters, e.g. the one protesting alleged anti-religious measures.[62] He was also in presidency of numerous Catholic organizations which confronted the secular governmental course: Asociación Católica de Padres de Familia, Asociación para la Defensa de los Religiosos Vasco Navarros[63] and in Consejo Superior Diocesano de la Adoración Nocturna.[64]

In the mid-1930s Martínez was not particularly active as a party propagandist. Though at times he presided or co-presided over regional Carlist rallies, e.g. during the 1934 gathering in Pamplona[65] or during the 1935 homage to Zumalacárregui in Estella,[66] he seldom appeared as key speaker and in public he remained withdrawn into the second row. However, scholars maintain that at the time Martínez was in fact controlling the Navarrese Carlism; some claim he shared this role with Joaquín Baleztena,[67] others prefer to note an informal managing triumvirate of Martínez-Baleztena-Rodezno.[68] Though he did not rise to Spanish party executive, Martínez is by some historians considered a person who co-ordinated financing of Comunión Tradicionalista nationwide.[69] His key position is attributed to his organization skills and to the wide network of personal contacts, be it among middle-class, establishment or religious structures.[70] In terms of political strategy Martínez represented a traditional and old-fashioned Carlist style; he opposed socially radical current represented by the youth organization AET and its Pamplonese leader, Jaime del Burgo.[71]

 
Palacio del Retiro

As a back-row éminence-grise Martínez managed the Navarrese Carlist electoral machinery during the campaigns of 1933 and 1936.[72] However, he did not field his own candidature until April 1936, when following the deposition of president Alcalá-Zamora the elections of compromisarios, supposed to elect a new president, were to be held across the country. The Navarrese Carlists formed a right-wing coalition alliance named Bloque de Derechas; Martínez was its president,[73] but also one of 6 candidates contesting seats allocated to Navarre.[74] This turned out to be the only election he took part in throughout his entire life. The Bloque defeated the counter-candidate list fielded by Frente Popular; with some 66,000 votes Martínez was comfortably elected.[75] In Madrid he was one of only 3 CT compromisarios present during the election session, held in Palacio del Retiro;[76] he probably cast a blank ballot paper.[77]

Conspiracy and coup d’état (1936)

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Manuel Fal Conde

Martínez was involved in Carlist plot against the Republic;[78] in Navarre he acted as the focal point of political conspiracy.[79] The Carlist national leader Manuel Fal initially counted Martínez among his supporters, the faction which opted for Carlist-only rising against these who preferred an alliance with the military.[80] However, scholars claim exactly the opposite.[81] They maintain that Martínez was within a group of Navarrese leaders who adopted an autonomous position,[82] and that in fact Martínez sabotaged Fal's strategy.[83] Before committing Carlism to the coup, Fal presented the leader of military conspiracy general Mola with a number of political demands; their negotiations soon reached a deadlock. At this point Martínez and Rodezno opened an alternative negotiation channel[84] and offered almost unconditional access of Carlist paramilitary to the coup planned. Martínez spoke to Mola in person; then he travelled to France to seek approval of prince Javier, the representative of the Carlist king.[85] The mission was successful and though highly skeptical about committing "100 years of Carlist history" for "a handful of Navarrese alcaldias", Don Javier has eventually approved of the scheme.[86]

Having returned to Spain Martínez had one more meeting with Mola and confirmed access to the coup.[87] He then travelled to Vitoria to brief the Alavese party leader José Luis Oriol and to seal details of the insurgency in the province.[88] He remained in touch with provincial Navarrese leaders of the Basque nationalist organization PNV and greatly contributed to the stand they ultimately adopted; eventually Napar Buru Batzar pronounced in favor of the rebels.[89] His premises in Banco de Bilbao at calle Chapitela[90] and in the religious imagery shop at bajada de Javier were used as meeting points, archives and command centers. Documents with Mola's order which triggered the rising and which were posted to regional military commanders across all Spain were typed by Martínez’ son in the rear of their store.[91] Famous Martínez’ “libreta” was heavily taken advantage of when final touches were being added to plans of the rising in the province. His data on structures, organization, reliable people and resources was the statistics vital for the operational scheme and it finally contributed to swift takeover of power in Navarre.[92]

 
Martínez in Junta Central

Following rebel seizure of Navarre on 20 July the regional Carlist executive re-formatted itself as Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra with Joaquín Baleztena as president and Martínez Berasáin as his deputy.[93] However, scholars claim that Martínez was hombre fuerte of the organization and that he remained its actual leader.[94] It is not clear whether he superseded Baleztena or whether the latter acknowledged Martínez’ contacts, energy and skills and voluntarily ceded the leading role.[95] Either in late July[96] or in August his status was confirmed formally;[97] in early September 1936 JCCGN publicly declared Martínez its jefe,[98] with Baleztena named the honorary president.[99] Fal remained skeptical about autonomous position adopted by the Junta, yet he decided to acknowledge it and named Martínez "comisario carlista de guerra de Navarra".[100]

Towards unification (1936–1937)

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Don Javier, 1930s

Throughout late 1936 Martínez remained the man who both formally and actually controlled Carlist structures in the region. In October he travelled to Vienna to attend the funeral of deceased king Alfonso Carlos;[101] as president of JCCGN he presided over local rallies[102] and represented Navarre away, e.g. during a gathering in Córdoba.[103] Under his guidance the Navarrese Carlists tried to build a complex institutional structure, which by some scholars is dubbed a "quasi-state";[104] Martínez himself was triple hating.[105] Other authors underline his role in rearguard repression, name him "major criminal"[106] and held him responsible for "exterminio de navarros republicanos".[107] Martínez’ relations with the Carlist regent-claimant remained thorny. Though in December 1936 Don Javier in an effusive letter thanked him for his effort,[108] at the same time he demanded explanations about JCCGN role in blocking his plan to agree prisoner exchange with the autonomous Basque government.[109]

At least since January 1937 Martínez held talks with local Falangist politicians about sharing of power in Navarre, yet his motives and strategy are not clear.[110] In February he travelled to the Portuguese Insua. Don Javier and the party executive discussed the looming threat of forced amalgamation into a state party;[111] Martínez was also confirmed as member of the national Carlist executive.[112] At the time it was already clear that Martínez with Rodezno co-led the faction which advocated compliance with Franco's pressure and in open opposition to Fal pushed for some sort of political unification.[113] They formed another body, named Consejo de la Tradición, which added to confusion and was a measure to outmaneuver Don Javier and the national executive; Martínez was nominated the vice-president.[114] During a sitting of the Carlist executive in Burgos in March 1937 he engineered what amounted to an internal coup within the organization. A detachment of armed Navarrese requetés led by his nephew Benito Santestebán arrived officially to ensure safety,[115] but its presence created a threatening atmosphere; Martínez claimed he had nothing to do with it.[116] Eventually the council recommended to continue unification talks.[117]

 
Francisco Franco

When Martínez travelled to Portugal to brief the exiled Fal Conde on latest developments, the latter was furious.[118] Fal considered Martínez and Rodezno rebels and intended to depose them.[119] However, away and isolated, he was increasingly powerless.[120] During another session of Carlist executive in early April in Burgos the tension was running high;[121] Martínez was already openly speaking in unification terms.[122] It was agreed to form a delegation which would include him and talk to Don Javier.[123] In Franco's headquarters he was viewed as tractable and reasonable. On 12 April Martínez, Rodezno, Ulibarri and Florida were invited to Salamanca; caudillo informed them that unification was a matter of days, that their concerns were acknowledged and that there was nothing to worry about.[124] Few days later an "Asamblea Extraordinaria de la CT de Navarra" – again with heavy presence of Santestebán-led requetés – pronounced firmly in favor of political unification.[125] On 20 April the Franco headquarters issued the unification decree.

Early Francoism (1937–1945)

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Falangist standard

Franco's decree of 22 April nominated 4 Carlists to Junta Política, the executive of the newly created state party Falange Española Tradicionalista; however, Martínez was not among them.[126] Later this month he and other Navarrese Traditionalists travelled to Salamanca to voice their disappointment about terms of the unification and minoritarian position of the Carlists, yet all this perfectly within limits of loyalty to the caudillo.[127] In line with the decree, which abolished all other political organizations, JCCGN no longer met and effectively it ceased to operate.[128] On 30 April[129] Martínez was nominated delegado provincial of FET in Navarre; he accepted the nomination and published his effusive thanks.[130] Unlike his son, who viewed the unification as Franco's "stab in the back",[131] Martínez genuinely believed that in the new organization the Carlists could have the upper hand. In late spring of 1937 he tried to format the merger as Comunión Tradicionalista absorbing Falange.[132] He complained to the FET central command that the Navarrese party secretary Daniel Arraiza Goñi, himself a Falangist old shirt, did not demonstrate enough enthusiasm about the unification; in effect, Arraiza was removed from his post.[133] However, Martínez’ triumph was short-lived; ultimately the attempt to create a Carlist Navarrese fiefdom failed and some sort of Carlist-Falangist balance of power has been established.[134] One scholar claims he resigned as the FET provincial jefe in November 1937;[135] however, he was noted as "camarada delegado provincial" in February 1938.[136]

 
El Pensamiento Navarro

Some time in late 1938 or early 1939 Martínez was nominated vice-president of Diputación Foral de Navarra, the provincial self-government which at the time was appointed by the military administration. Since presidency of the body was by default held by the civil governor, Martínez was effectively heading the diputación.[137] There is no information available on his activity at this role, and his tenure was brief. In unspecified circumstances he left the job; in the spring of 1940 the vice-presidency was already held by Rodezno.[138] None of the sources consulted provides any information on official Martínez’ assignments during the early 1940s and it is not clear whether he fell from grace, withdrew or was otherwise outmaneuvered. He remained active within informal Carlist command layer in Navarre and tried to preserve party assets in the region. He retained seat in executive board of El Pensamiento Navarro, to spare amalgamation into the FET media machinery formally owned by a commercial company.[139] Within this body he sided with Rodezno and in the early 1940s he worked to contain influence of Fal Conde,[140] who struggled to retain control over the newspaper.[141] He hailed Joaquín Baleztena as "nuestro presidente", the authentic authority and Jefe Regional of the movement.[142] In 1943 Martínez was among co-signatories of so-called Reclamación del Poder; the document, issued in name of Carlist pundits, was intended for Franco and in polite but firm terms demanded instauration of the Traditionalist monarchy.[143] It was left unanswered, though there were also no measures adopted against the signatories.

Last years (after 1945)

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Don Javier, 1950s

Martínez resumed his job in Banco de Bilbao and was manager of its Pamplona branch office;[144] as such he enjoyed decision-making capacity beyond financial services.[145] Politically he retained notional loyalty to Don Javier, yet in the late 1940s he was firmly among the rodeznistas, who pressed the candidature of Don Juan as the legitimate Carlist heir. In 1946 he co-signed a letter to the regent; the document in polite but firm terms suggested that the regency be terminated.[146] When Ferrer in name of the falcondistas confronted projuanista trend with aggressive pamphlet, Martínez replied with a protest letter.[147] In 1947, in wake of the Law of Succession campaign, with a group of Carlist Navarrese personalities he sent a letter to Franco; it advocated immediate monarchical restoration in line with the Traditionalist principles.[148] At the turn of the decades Martínez was moderately engaged in Carlist competition with Falangism, both trying to achieve political domination in the province.[149] In 1951 Joaquín Baleztena, politically in-between Fal and Rodezno, nominated him to the new Junta Regional.[150] In 1952 the new Carlist regional secretary Francisco Javier Astraín tried to engineer a move towards collaboration with the regime and bank on Martínez forming part of "oligarquía próxima al franquismo", but the plan was eventually abandoned.[151]

Following some 10 years away from the public eye Martínez resumed political activity when he was already in the retirement age. In 1954 his return to nationwide politics was marked by being awarded Gran Cruz de la Orden del Merito Civil, an honor granted to people that the regime intended to distinguish.[152] In 1955 he entered the Francoist parliament, Cortes Españolas, hand-picked by caudillo in the pool reserved for his personal nominees.[153] None of the sources consulted provides information on mechanism of his return to officialdom and whether it was related to some re-dressing of the regime; Franco intended to shake off remaining para-fascist vestiges and introduced to the Cortes a large number of new appointees, including the Traditionalists.

Don Juan, 1957

In 1957 Martínez definitely broke with Don Javier and the Javierista branch of Carlism. Within a large contingent of Traditionalists he visited the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan in his Estoril residence and declared him the legitimate Carlist heir; because of Martínez’ record and former position in the party, he was among the most eminent "estorilos".[154] He remained somewhat uneasy about publication of Acto de Estoril in El Pensamiento Navarro, yet his reservations were related to economic matters; he was apprehensive about potential negative impact on readership of the newspaper.[155] His term in Consejo de Administración was anyway about to be over; he stepped down to be succeeded by his own son.[156] The pro-Juanista demonstration did not impair his position within the regime. When his Cortes term expired in 1958 Franco re-appointed Martínez for another one, again from the pool of his personal nominees.[157] Little is known of his labors in the chamber, except that in the late 1950s he served in the parliamentary commission entrusted with analysis of the draft of new Leyes Fundamentales.[158]

See also

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Footnotes

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  1. ^ spelling of his segundo apellido differs. Some sources prefer the "Berasáin" version, see e.g. Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521086349, pp. 238, 246 and other. Some opt for "Berasain", see e.g. Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, pp. 326, 339 and other. Some settle for "Berasaín", see e.g. Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936–1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788487863523, pp, 20, 247 and other. Some sources use various versions inconsistently, e.g. Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN 9788423533657 opts for "Berasain" (pp. 64, 134) and "Berasáin" (pp. 18, 28). Also the press used various versions, see e.g. "Berasáin" in Pensamiento Alaves 11.12.36, available here, "Berasain" in Pensamiento Alaves 09.02.34, available here, and "Berasaín" in El Adelanto 21.05.37, available here. No official document is available for consultation. "Berasáin" spelling has been adopted here as it seems to prevail in historiography
  2. ^ Pablo Larraz Andía, Víctor Sierra-Sesumaga (eds.), Requetés. De las trincheras al olvidio, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788499700465, p. 809
  3. ^ Francisca Larrondo Ollo (died 1893) was daughter to Juan Cruz Larrondo and Antonia Ollo, El Eco de Navarra 09.06.93, available here
  4. ^ Victoriano Martínez Larrondo entry, [in:] Geneaordoñez service, available here
  5. ^ El Eco de Navarra 30.12.94, available here
  6. ^ Anuario del Comercio de la Industria de la Magistratura y da la Administración 1883, available here
  7. ^ El Eco de Navarra 30.12.94, available here
  8. ^ El Liberal Navarro 29.12.94, available here
  9. ^ Micaela Celedonia Berasain Marin entry, [in:] Geneaordóñez service, available here
  10. ^ Micaela Celedonia Berasain Marin entry, [in:] Geneaordóñez service, available here
  11. ^ compare the picture of her tombstone, Sepultura de Micaela Berasáin, madre de José Martínez Berasáin, [in:] Cultura Navarra service, available here
  12. ^ her father Dionisio Berasain Yzalzu (son of Geronimo Berasain and Celedonia Yzalzu ) married Josefa Marín Yriarte (daughter of Jose Marin and Fermina Yriarte), Micaela Celedonia Berasain Marin entry, [in:] Geneaordóñez service, available here
  13. ^ El Liberal Navarro 30.09.95, available here
  14. ^ El Eco de Navarra 01.11.95, available here
  15. ^ Victoriano Martínez Berasaín was called to arms in 1907, El Eco de Navarra 13.02.07, available here; for Jacinto see Ecos de Sociedad, [in:] Diario de Navarra 29 May 1919
  16. ^ Francisca Martínez Berasáin married Mariano Santesteban Astiz, La Hermandad ante la justicia, [in:], Nueva Tribuna 11.12.18, available here. Another sister became a nun, compare María Victorina, religiosa, [in:] Cultura Navarra service, available here
  17. ^ El Liberal Navarro 10.01.95, available here
  18. ^ Anuario del Comercio, de la Industria de la Magistratura y de la Administración 1902, available here
  19. ^ "casulla" is a type of liturgical vestment, and the term "casullero" used to denote a craftsman who produce it. For Martinez as casullero seeAnuario del Comercio, Industria y Tributación del País Vasco 1929, available here
  20. ^ Anuario del Comercio, Industria y Tributación del País Vasco 1930, available here; also Anuario del Comercio, Industria y Tributación del País Vasco 1929, available here
  21. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 810
  22. ^ Banca, [in:] Gran Enciclopedia Navarra service, available here
  23. ^ Javier Dronda Martínez, Con Cristo o contra Cristo. Religión y movilización antirrepublicana en navarra (1931–1936), Tafalla 2013, ISBN 9788415313311, p. 171, Alfonso Ballestero, José Ma de Oriol y Urquijo, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788483569160, p. 46, Javier Ugarte Tellería, La nueva Covadonga insurgente: orígenes sociales y culturales de la sublevación de 1936 en Navarra y el País Vasco, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788470305313, pp. 87, 192, and many others. However, none of the authors provides references to primary sources. Some authors provide also clearly erroneous information, e.g. apart that Martinez Berasain was "director de la sucursal" they identify him also as "diputado carlista a Cortes por Navarra (febrero de 1936)", Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937–1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788487863714, p. 551
  24. ^ Julian Rubio López (ed.), Guia de Navarra, Pamplona 1952, p. 126
  25. ^ Jose Martinez Berasain entry, [in:] Geneaordóñez service, available here
  26. ^ Ramona Erro Cia entry, [in:] Geni genealogical service, available here
  27. ^ Ramona Erro Cia entry, [in:] Geneaordóñez service, available here
  28. ^ El Eco de Navarra 14.12.04, available here
  29. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 810
  30. ^ Fotografías de José Martínez Berasáin (1886–1960), [in:] La Venta del Arte service, available here
  31. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 816, Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil Española (1936–1939), Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, pp. 164, 196, 854, 855
  32. ^ Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957–1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, p. 278; he presided over Hermandad Viacrucis de Montejurra, Diario de Burgos 13.05.69, available here
  33. ^ Rosa Marina Errea Iribas, Javier Maria Pascual y El Pensamiento Navarro: "con él llego el escándalo" (1966–1970), Pamplona 2007, ISBN 9788477681922, pp. 398–405
  34. ^ see José Ramón Martínez Erro, Olite, corte de reyes. Apuntes históricos, Pamplona 1946; the book was re-issued a number of times until 1990
  35. ^ compare Luis María Martínez Garate, El Pensamiento Navarro, [in:] Lealtad a la Lealtad service 15.11.16, available here
  36. ^ see Luis María Martínez Garate, Síntesis de la historia de Navarra, Tafalla 2010, ISBN 9788461450756
  37. ^ Nabarralde, an institution created in 2001, declared in its manifesto that it would work to "recover Navarrese identity"; from later publications it emerges that its militants understand Great Navarre as part of the Basque country, embracing also Rioja, Bureba, part of Aragón and Gasconia, see e.g. Xabier Zabaltza Pérez-Nievas, De la ‘lingua navarrorum’ al estado vasco, [in:] Historia Contemporanea 47 (2013,) pp. 479–480. For a recent sample of Martínez Garate publications see e.g. Luis María Martínez Garate, Europa: quien manda, manda, [in:] Nabarralde service 23.04.21, available here
  38. ^ in 2017 and as recognition of his contribution to the Navarres winegrowing business he was awarded Cruz de Carlos III by the Navarrese self-government, Pilar Morras, "Gravar el patrimonio productivo es injusto", [in:] Diario de Navarra 28.05.17, available here
  39. ^ La Hermandad ante la justicia, [in:], Nueva Tribuna 11.12.18, available here
  40. ^ Manuel José Erro Ercila was also a Carlist; he fought in the Third Carlist War and went on exile afterwards, Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 809
  41. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 809
  42. ^ according to his son, Martínez Berasain was "vasquista pero dentro del carlismo, no separatista, él fuerista y español", and had many friends among the Basque nationalists, Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 810
  43. ^ El Correo Español 19.09.18, available here
  44. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 813
  45. ^ Martínez Berasáin, José entry, [in:] Aunamendi Euzko Entzikopedia service, available here
  46. ^ La Tradicion, [in:] Premín de Iruña blog 27.02.11, available here
  47. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 813
  48. ^ Martínez Berasáin, Jose entry, [in:] Fototeca de Navarra service, available here
  49. ^ for assortment of his photographs see Martínez Berasáin, Jose entry, [in:] Fototeca de Navarra service, available here
  50. ^ Martínez Berasáin, Jose entry, [in:] Fototeca de Navarra service, available here
  51. ^ Victor Manuel Arbeloa, Navarra y los estatutos de autonomía, Pamplona 2015, ISBN 9788416549177, p. 75
  52. ^ Ugarte Tellería 1998, p. 89
  53. ^ Ugarte Tellería 1998, pp. 89–90
  54. ^ Ugarte Tellería 1998, p. 279
  55. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 810
  56. ^ El Cruzado Español 14.11.30, available here
  57. ^ El Siglo Futuro 06.05.32, available here
  58. ^ Arbeloa 2015, p. 75
  59. ^ Arbeloa 2015, pp. 75–76
  60. ^ El Siglo Futuro 19.05.32, available here
  61. ^ El Siglo Futuro 06.05.32, available here
  62. ^ El Siglo Futuro 11.12.31, available here
  63. ^ Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 171
  64. ^ Pensamiento Alaves 09.02.34, available here
  65. ^ El Siglo Futuro 26.02.34, available here
  66. ^ El Siglo Futuro 20.03.35, available here
  67. ^ Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478 , p. 326
  68. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 20
  69. ^ Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Estructura, cadena de mando y ejecutores de la represión de boina roja en Navarra en 1936, [in:] Historia contemporánea 53 (2016), p. 601
  70. ^ he "represented conservative middle-class, integrated with centres of local establishment, which have undergone clear turn towards authoritarian positions and shared the ‘esprit’ of the 1930s, popular among most radicalized sections of neoliberalism of the era", Ugarte Tellería 1998, p. 89
  71. ^ Ugarte Tellería 1998, p. 279
  72. ^ Ugarte Tellería 1998, p. 87
  73. ^ Ahora 28.04.36, available here
  74. ^ Juan Jesús Virto Ibáñez, Marzo de 1936: el asalto a la Diputación Foral en nombre del Frente Popular de Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 47/179 (1986), p. 786
  75. ^ Virto Ibáñez 1986, p. 787
  76. ^ Manuel Requena Gallego, Las elecciones a compromisarios en Albacete (abril 1936), [in:] Al-Basit: Revista de estudios albacetenses 12 (1983), p 188
  77. ^ apart from votes for Manuel Azaña there were votes cast for Lerroux (1), Largo Caballero (1) and defunct Miguel Primo de Rivera (1), plus blank ballot papers, José Luis Mañas Leache, Juan Pedro Urabayen Mihura, Las últimas elecciones de la II República en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 254
  78. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 33
  79. ^ Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN 9788423533657, p. 177
  80. ^ Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 18
  81. ^ Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 238–239, same opinion in Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 20
  82. ^ Ugarte Tellería 1998, p. 91
  83. ^ Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 35
  84. ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 246
  85. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 11.12.39, available here, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 248
  86. ^ Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXX, Sevilla 1979, p. 165
  87. ^ Ferrer 1979, p. 166
  88. ^ Ferrer 1979, p. 171
  89. ^ Jaime del Burgo Tajadura, La epopeya de la foralidad vasca y navarra: Principio y fin de la cuestión foral, Pamplona 2016, ISBN 9788494503702, p. 326
  90. ^ Mikelarena Peña 2016, p. 600
  91. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 817
  92. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 816
  93. ^ Fernando Mikelarena, El carlismo y el castigo al nacionalismo, [in:] Deia 29.01.20, available here
  94. ^ Canal 2000, p. 332
  95. ^ Mikelarena Peña 2016, p. 596
  96. ^ Mikelarena Peña 2016, p. 596, the same claim pointing to "últimos días de julio" in Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Sin piedad. Limpieza politica en Navarra, 1936. Responsables, colaboradores y ejecutores, Tafalla 2015, ISBN 9788476819166, p. 178
  97. ^ Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXX/2, Sevilla 1979, p. 105
  98. ^ Ricardo Ollaquindia, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Principe de Viana 56/2-5 (1995), p. 486
  99. ^ Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937–1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), p. 438
  100. ^ Mikelarena Peña 2016, p. 598, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 28, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 270
  101. ^ Ferrer 1979, p. 231
  102. ^ Pensamiento Alaves 13.10.36, available here
  103. ^ El Defensor de Córdoba 21.10.36, available here
  104. ^ for an overview see Javier Ugarte Tellería, El carlismo en la guerra del 36: la formación de un cuasi-estado nacional-corporativo y foral an la zona vasco-navarra, [in:] Historia Contemporanea 38 (2009), pp. 49–87
  105. ^ he was president of Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra, comisario carlista de guerra de Navarra (official delegate of Junta Nacional Carlista) and secretary of Junta Regional, which continued to exist at least on paper, see Pensamiento Alaves 11.12.36, available here
  106. ^ "adquirieron fama personal de criminales de marca mayor", as "que eran el alma de la junta carlista de guerra para estas faenas de exterminio" Mikelarena Peña 2016, p. 614
  107. ^ "creador de las listas de exterminio de navarros republicanos", opinion of individuals who launched a public initiative to shut down the exposition of his photographs, see Cierre de exposicion de Martínez Berasáin, [in:] Change service [link blocked by Wikipedia
  108. ^ Pensamiento Alaves 11.12.36, available here
  109. ^ Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 441
  110. ^ e.g. in January 1937 Martínez corresponded with the Navarrese Falange leader Daniel Arraiza on amicable division of posts in the province, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 120
  111. ^ Blinkhorn 2008, p. 283, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 247, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 30
  112. ^ the Junta as confirmed in Insua consisted of 7 members: Fal, Martinez Berasain, Rodezno, Lamamie, Valiente, Zamanillo and Gaiztarro, Melchor Ferrer, Breve historia del legitmismo español, Madrid 1958, p. 122. Some authors claim another member was Arauz de Robles, Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880–1957) [PhD thesis Universidad de Navarra], Pamplona 2002, p. 304
  113. ^ e.g. in January 1937 Martínez discussed with José Luis Oriol how to reinforce JCCGN against Junta Nacional Carlista; the plan was that once the provincial Biscay executive is created, it gets subordinated to JCCGN, not to JNC, Jan plots with Oriol to reinforce JCCGN against JNC, Ugarte Tellería 2009, p. 71
  114. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 255
  115. ^ according to some sources, the detachment was led by Esteban Ezcurra, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 33
  116. ^ Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 126
  117. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 259
  118. ^ the 29 March 1937 meeting between Fal and the team, composed of Martínez and José María Mazón Sainz, was extremely tense. Martínez claimed that formation of Consejo de la Tradición was pre-agreed in Insua and that this body was perfectly entitled to come out with suggestions as to political strategy to be adopted. Fal maintained that Consejo was from the onset a part of the plan to overpower him and dilute powers of the central executive. The meeting ended in almost total breakdown of all communication; Fal declared that he would not speak with Martínez any more, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 287, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 260
  119. ^ Canal 2000, p. 339
  120. ^ Martínez later wrote to Fal and claimed that pro-unification course had been agreed earlier, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 261
  121. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 264
  122. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 262–263
  123. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 267
  124. ^ Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 45, 128, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 288, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 270
  125. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 271–272
  126. ^ Canal 2000, p. 340
  127. ^ Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 54
  128. ^ Ferrer 1979, p. 227
  129. ^ Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 292
  130. ^ Labor 06.05.37, available here
  131. ^ Larraz Andía, Sierra-Sesumaga, p. 823
  132. ^ discussion of his term as Jefe Provincial in Villanueva Martínez 1998, pp. 68-75
  133. ^ Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 104, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 295
  134. ^ see Martorell Pérez 2008, Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945–1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101–120
  135. ^ reportedly he filed his resignation some time earlier, but managed to get it accepted by Franco in November; motives for his resignation are not stated, Villanueva Martinez 1998, p. 75
  136. ^ Labor 10.02.38, available here
  137. ^ Pensamiento Alaves 25.03.39, available here
  138. ^ Pensamiento Alaves 17.05.40, available here
  139. ^ Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 119
  140. ^ in 1939 Fal suggested that the new Navarrese Junta Regional be set up, with young ex-requete combatants replacing the likes of Martinez Berasain, thought to have been unloyal and rebellious, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 121-122
  141. ^ in the early 1940s Fal considered Rodezno, Arellano and Martínez the key rebels against Don Javier's authority, those who led a fronda aimed at crowning Don Juan; in 1942 Fal wanted them to transfer ownership of El Pensamiento Navarro shares, Villanueva Martínez 1998, pp. 164-165, 167
  142. ^ Manuel de Santa Cruz Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta, Apuntes y documentos para la historia del tradicionalismo español: 1939–1966, vol. 3, Seville 1979, vol. 4, pp. 11–12
  143. ^ César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901–1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN 8493109797, pp. 52–53
  144. ^ Ecos de Sociedad, [in:] Diario de Navarra 19.03.49
  145. ^ e.g. he was the decision-maker in issues related to real estate and new building contracts; as such he promoted fellow Carlists, e.g. Victor Eusa, Fernando Tabuenca González, La arquitectura de Víctor Eusa [PhD thesis Universidad Politécnica de Madrid], Marid 2016, p. 323. Martínez held the position at least until the following decade, Julian Rubio López (ed.), Guia de Navarra, Pamplona 1952, p. 126
  146. ^ Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 274
  147. ^ Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 305
  148. ^ Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 315
  149. ^ e.g. in 1950 the Carlists tried to channel funds from the Pamplona ayuntamiento to some Carlist structures, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 436; in 1951 he co-signed a document which endorsed Carlist candidates in elections to the Pamplona ayuntamiento, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 467;
  150. ^ Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 453
  151. ^ Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957–1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), p. 395
  152. ^ Diario de Burgos 01.04.54, available here
  153. ^ see his 1955 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here
  154. ^ Santa Cruz 1979, vols. 4–5, p. 12, Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641, p. 24
  155. ^ Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 402
  156. ^ Juan-Cruz Alli Aranguren, La autonomía de Navarra. Historia, identidad y autogobierno [PhD thesis Universidad Pública de Navarra], Pamplona 2016, p. 253
  157. ^ see his 1958 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here
  158. ^ Diario de Burgos 03.05.58, available here

Further reading

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  • Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521086349
  • Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937–1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), pp. 429–456
  • Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Sin piedad. Limpieza politica en Navarra, 1936. Responsables, colaboradores y ejecutores, Tafalla 2015, ISBN 9788476819166
  • Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Estructura, cadena de mando y ejecutores de la represión de boina roja en Navarra en 1936, [in:] Historia contemporánea 53 (2016), pp. 593–621
  • Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936–1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788487863523
  • Javier Ugarte Tellería, El carlismo en la guerra del 36: la formación de un cuasi-estado nacional-corporativo y foral an la zona vasco-navarra, [in:] Historia Contemporanea 38 (2009), pp. 49–87
  • Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937–1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788487863714
  • Juan Jesús Virto Ibáñez, Marzo de 1936: el asalto a la Diputación Foral en nombre del Frente Popular de Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 47/179 (1986), p. 781-789
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